Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period; Vol. 1

The Jesuits, on the other hand, admitted no other Europeans within the bounds of their reductions, and having themselves no ties of kindred by marriage or otherwise with those around them, remained a distinct class apart. Their disciples were not even instructed in the Spanish or any other European tongue, save so much, perhaps, as was implied by their being taught to patter certain prayers by rote. As to their temporal concerns, they laboured, as it was said, for the common weal, but they were, in fact, reduced to a condition of the most utter servitude imaginable. Not only had they, like their native brethren beyond the limits of the reductions, to give their labour in the fields and in tending the herds, but when this was done the whole of their produce—beyond that necessary for their own sustenance—went into the common Jesuits’ fund,—that is to say, went towards building and adorning splendid churches, many of which, with their carved ornaments of the finest wood, remain to this day when the race that produced them is no more. Nor was this the only labour that fell upon such of the natives as were enticed into life-long servitude for “the greater glory of God.” It was necessary to seclude them from the temptations of the outer world, and for this purpose each reduction was converted into a fortress, so contrived as at the same time to preclude the entrance of strangers from without and the exit of disciples from within. The Paraguayans who had submitted themselves to the Jesuits’ absolute sway were thus cunningly made the artificers of the chains that bound them. It is going considerably in advance of the period now in question to advert to the reigns of Francia and the second Lopez, but it may be permitted here to point out that, in thus inducing a system of utter mental and moral imbecility, the Jesuit Fathers are undoubtedly responsible for the untold misery which was brought about under these tyrants, and which at length resulted in the extinction of the Paraguayan race.

The Jesuits have been their own historians; therefore the following details, written by themselves, must be read with the reflection that there was no contemporary critic to bequeath another side of the picture. Quitting the lower banks of the Plata, already covered with innumerable cattle on boundless plains which showed a perpetual verdure, the Jesuits, on their way to their destination, were shocked, on touching at the island of S. Gabriel, by beholding a tribe of idolaters who inspired terror in their neighbourhood and probably still more at home, since we learn that they put their women to death on attaining the age of thirty. After traversing about a thousand miles of river they reached the Guaraní missions, comprising thirty settlements. On the western coast, and further to the north, were the Chiquito missions, with which the others maintained a correspondence, which until the early part of the eighteenth century could only be effected by way of Peru, along a route of eight hundred leagues, intersected by streams only fordable at certain seasons. The shorter way from the Plata to the Chiquito missions was jealously closed by the Guaranís.

The Guaranís were of two classes—hunters and fishermen. The former ignored the use of saddles, but passed their time for the most part on the horses which had followed the Spaniards. The fishermen adored a demon who manifested itself in the form of a large bird. It was at length determined by the Jesuits to attempt to penetrate to the Chiquito settlements of their brethren by way of the Uruguay river; and two Fathers, accompanied by thirty Paraguayan disciples, set out with this object from Asuncion. They had ascended about a hundred leagues when they were met by a boat, carrying Payaguas, who, being placed between two enemies, implored the aid of the Jesuits. To the west were their sworn foes, the Guaycurus; to the east were the Brazilian slave-hunters. This natural cry for help was interpreted as a prayer for admission within the Church’s pale, and one of the Fathers remained with his converts at the Lake of Uberada, while the other proceeded alone towards Peru.

The sudden conversion of the natives, however, which had resulted from terror, lasted only as long as the Jesuits and their party remained sufficiently strong to overawe them. Left with one Father and fifteen Paraguayans, they obtained leave to depart for the purpose of bringing others to share the Father’s instruction. On their return in sufficient numbers to overpower him, fourteen of his Paraguayans were put to death, one being reserved as interpreter; one of the Spanish boatmen was likewise spared to steer the Payaguas to their former haunts. There the interpreter was put to death in the defence of his master, who, however, together with his brother Jesuit, was almost immediately afterwards murdered by the Guaycurus.

About the same period there were in Buenos Ayres some twenty thousand Africans who could not speak Spanish. In order to be able to administer spiritual food to these, Father Chomé studied the tongue of Angola, in which in the course of three months he acquired such proficiency that he was able to persuade himself that the Africans understood his attempts to expound the doctrines of Christianity. His linguistic powers marked him out for service in Peru, but his destination was changed to Paraguay. He was conveyed thither in a covered cart, carrying with him his own bedding and provisions. The neighbourhood of Santa Fè was then infested by the Guaycurus, who were even daring enough to attack that town. They gave no quarter, and carried as trophies the scalps of their victims. Their weapons were bows and arrows, lances and darts, which rebounded by means of a string fastened to the projector’s thumb. Issuing from their ambuscades, and giving utterance to wild cries, they inspired still further terror by their aspect, being enclosed in a suit composed of feathers. They had already attained perfection in horsemanship, now falling flat on the animals’ necks, now swinging their persons beneath their girths and holding on by their feet, or throwing themselves from one side to the other as occasion might require. If it seemed desirable to abandon their steeds and take to the river or thicket, they were as fishes in the former, and could defy the thorns of the latter.

Beset by these savages, Father Chomé was indebted to his escort for his arriving without accident at Santa Fè, where he was still two hundred and twenty leagues from the nearest of the reductions. The carts in use were but little suited to a country intersected by streams, and where bridges were unknown. On reaching a stream the waggon was unloaded and attached to the tails of horses, who struggled as best they could to the opposite shore. Such travellers as could not swim were committed to small boats formed of a single ox-hide, with the almost unnecessary injunction to sit still in them. In the pelotas, too, the loads were transported. From Santa Fè Father Chomé proceeded towards his destination on horseback.

After the greater part of the Guaranís had embraced Christianity, a section still refused to listen to the voice of the missionaries, and sought an asylum in the adjoining mountains. Their grieved would-be converters for a while consoled themselves with the reflection that the sudden change from the burning pampas plains to the snows of the Andes would suffice to exterminate the heathen; but when they were disappointed in this pious wish, and when the tribesmen, who had, on the contrary, increased in numbers, ventured to murder some Dominicans, the vengeance of the authorities was roused, and their mountains were invaded, with the result that many hundreds of them were made prisoners or slain.

The Jesuit missions, where were renewed the innocence and piety of the early Christians, numbered towards the close of the seventeenth century forty large establishments, the most considerable of which included from fifteen to twenty thousand souls. The chief of each mission and the judge were chosen year by year. The fruits of the land were placed in public magazines, from which each family received its allotted share. So remarkable was the innocence of the Guaraní converts that the Fathers own that their pupils’ confessions seldom or never revealed anything to call for absolution. They denied to the Paraguayans any share of inventive genius, but claimed for them on the other hand the greatest powers of imitation. They could make tables, print or copy books, imitate the finest writing, construct musical instruments and watches, draw plans and engrave maps. It was not without labour that their conversion was brought about; but once effected, it was sincere and lasting, and there were no bounds to the attachment they evinced towards their spiritual fathers.

The following extract, translated from Azara, may give some further idea of the system pursued by the Jesuits. The historian’s knowledge is derived from eye-witnesses, and his statements of fact, though not his conclusions, agree with those of the Fathers:—

“The thirty-three Jesuit missions were ruled in the following manner: Two Jesuits resided in each pueblo. The one called the cura had either been provincial or rector in their colleges, or was at least a grave padre. He did not exercise any of the functions of a cura, and frequently did not know the language of the Indians. He occupied himself only with the temporal administration of all the property of the pueblo, of which he was the absolute director. The spiritual department was confided to another Jesuit, called compañero, or vice-cura, subordinate to the first. The Jesuits of all the pueblos were under the superintendence and vigilance of another, named the superior of the missions, who had, moreover, the power to confirm from the Pope. To control these pueblos they had no laws, either civil or criminal; the only rule was the will of the Jesuits. Though in each pueblo there was an Indian called a corregidor, and others called alcaldes and rejidores (mayor and aldermen), that formed a municipal body like that which they have in Spanish colonies, no one of them exercised the least jurisdiction, and they were only instruments that served to execute the will of the curas, even in criminal cases. The curas who inflicted the punishments were never cited before the king nor before any of the ordinary tribunals. They compelled the Indians of both sexes and of every age to labour for the community, without permitting any person to labour at all for himself. All must obey the orders of the cura, who stored up the produce of the labour, and who had the charge of supplying food and clothing to all. From this it is seen that the Jesuits were absolutely masters of everything; that they completely disposed of the surplus stock of the whole community; and that all the Indians were equal, without distinction, and unable to possess any private property. There could be no motive of emulation to induce them to exercise their talents or their reason, since the most able, the most virtuous, the most active, was not better fed or clothed than the others, nor would he obtain any enjoyment that was not common to all. The Jesuits have persuaded the world that this kind of government was the only one suitable for the Indians, and had rendered happy those who were like children, and incapable of taking care of themselves. They add, that they direct them as a father governs his family, and that they collect and keep in the storehouses the products of the harvests, not for private use, but to make a proper distribution to their children, who, incapable of provision, do not know how to preserve anything for the sustenance of their families. This manner of government had appeared in Europe worthy of such great encomiums, that the lot of these Indians has almost come to be envied. But this is done without reflecting that these same Indians in a savage state did know how to support their families, and that individuals of the same Indians that had been subjugated in Paraguay lived an age before in a state of liberty, without knowing of such community of goods, without the necessity of being directed by any person, nor of being incited or forced to labour, and without a public storehouse or distribution of the harvest; and that, too, notwithstanding they had to support the charge of the commanderies that took the sixth part of their annual labour. It seems, then, they were not such children, nor were they so incapable as the Fathers tried to make them appear. But were such incapacity certain, from their not having sufficient time in a century and a half to correct such defects, one of the two following causes appears reasonable,—either the administration of the Jesuits was contrary to the civilization of the Indians, or they were such a people as were incapable of emerging from their primitive state of infancy.”

Previously to the foundation of the Jesuit reductions, posts had been established in various parts by the Spaniards for purposes of trade and local government. Several of these were in the neighbourhood of the Jesuits’ settlements. But the order would not tolerate the presence of Europeans near them. They complained in pathetic tones of the hardships endured by the natives at the hands of the avaricious Spanish superintendents, who not only exacted from them one-sixth part of their produce, but showed them a pernicious example in the way of morality, and thus interfered with the Jesuits’ religious teaching. These complaints having been forwarded to the court of Spain, the superintendents were withdrawn and their posts abolished, thus leaving the Jesuits in sole control of the territory of Misiones. This decision is the more remarkable, inasmuch as the Jesuits were not only not under Spanish rule, but were not even for the most part of the nation which had produced their founder. Nor did they pay tax or tribute to the crown.

But the exercise of absolute power within their own territory did not satisfy the ambitious order. They sought to make their influence felt and visible everywhere, and in so seeking paved the way for their downfall. Their first idea was to gain control over the rising generation by giving gratuitous instruction to the youth of wealthy families; and, warned by their previous experience, they prepared themselves against future reverses by raising from amongst their neophytes a very considerable standing army. They could at a very early period of their reign bring into the field a force of some seven thousand men.

CHAPTER XVII.

ENGLISH NAVIGATORS IN SOUTH AMERICA, HAWKINS, DRAKE, AND RALEIGH

1564-1618

We are all familiar with the names of certain English navigators with reference to Spanish South America; but it is somewhat difficult to introduce a notice of their deeds at the precise date when they occurred, without interrupting the course of the general narrative. Neither do their actions belong especially to any ocean or country. They appeared sometimes on the Atlantic and at others on the Pacific; sometimes on the Isthmus of Darien, at others on the coast of Peru. They plundered the enemy wherever they found him vulnerable, and treated the inhabitants of one side of the continent and of the other with perfect impartiality. I have therefore thought it better to gather together in one chapter some short records of the deeds of certain amongst the most famous of these free-lances of the ocean.

Foremost amongst the English navigators to Spanish American waters comes the redoubtable Hawkins. That he was an admirable seaman and a most courageous man, no one will question. He was likewise as patriotic as it was possible for man to be, and was most considerate and fair towards those under his command, by whom he seems to have been respected and beloved. But it may help to form a more correct opinion of the age in which he lived, and may serve somewhat to modify our judgment respecting the Spaniards and Portuguese of the sixteenth century in the matter of slavery, if we remember that Sir John Hawkins, of whom most Englishmen are to a certain extent proud, was, in plain terms, an atrocious slave-dealer. This article was, in fact, the staple commodity in which he trafficked, and he pursued his course to the coast of Africa, there to capture his cargo of negroes, with not a whit more concern for them or their rights than would have been displayed by Rob Roy or by Roderick Dhu for the cattle which they carried off from the Lowlands. It may be well also to bear in mind that his course of life was well known to Queen Elizabeth and Her Ministers, and that Her Majesty, in token of Her approval of his proceedings, placed at his disposal one of Her vessels, the “Jesus” of Lubeck, of 700 tons.

As this work is not intended to throw light on the African slave-trade further than in as far as it concerns South America, it is not necessary to follow Sir John throughout all his nefarious proceedings on the coast of Africa. But one of his voyages, in the course of which he proceeded with his usual cargo, in the year 1564, to Cape de la Vala, has for us unusual interest, inasmuch as in the course of its narrative we find the first mention, among English writers, of the potato. It is well known that Raleigh and certain of his companions, at a much later date, brought home with them that root from Virginia. It is the case likewise, that, some time before this voyage of Raleigh, Drake had introduced the same plant to these islands; but that our first acquaintance with the potato is due to Hawkins and his expedition of the above-mentioned year will appear from the following extract:—

“Here perceiving no trafficke to be had with them, nor yet water for the refreshing of our men, we were driven to depart the twentieth day, and the 2 and twentieth we came to a place in the maine called Cumana, whither the captaine going in his pinnisse, spake with certaine Spaniards of whom he demanded trafficke, but they made him answere, they were but souldiers newely come thither, and were not able to by on negro; whereupon hee asked for a watring place, and they pointed him a place two leagues off, called Santa Fè, where we found marvellous goodly watring, and commodious for the taking in thereof; for that the fresh water came into the sea, and so our shippes had aboord the shore twentie fathome water. Neere about this place inhabited certaine Indians, who the next day after we came thither came down to us, presenting mill and cakes of breade, which they had made of a kinde of corne called maiz, in bignesse of a pease, the eare whereof is much like to a teasell, but a spanne in length having thereon a number of granes. Also they brought down to us Hennes, Potatoes and Pines, which we bought for beades, pewter whistles, glasses, knives and other trifles. These potatoes be the most delicate rootes that may be eaten, and doe farre exceed our passeneps or carets.”19

Hawkins and his men kept on their course along the coast, and came on the 3rd of April to a place called Burboroata, where the ships came to anchor, and he himself went on shore to speak to the Spaniards, to whom he declared his nationality, and that he came thither for lawful trade, for which he required permission. They made answer that they were forbidden by their king to traffic with any foreign nation, upon pain of forfeiting their goods; they therefore desired him to depart, for they were subjects, and might not go beyond the law. Hawkins, however, who was an impersonation of the Civis Romanus sum, was above the law. He replied that his necessity was such as he might not so do; for being in one of the Queen’s armadas of England, and having many soldiers in them, he had need both of some refreshing for them, and of victuals, and of money also, without which he could not depart. With much other talk he persuaded them not to fear any dishonest part of his towards them; for neither would he commit any such thing to the dishonour of his prince, nor yet for dishonest reputation and estimation, unless he were too rigorously dealt withal, which he hoped not to find at their hands.

The Spaniards made answer that it lay not in them to give any licence, for that they had a governor to whom the government of these parts was committed; but if Hawkins would stay ten days longer they would send to their governor, who was three score leagues off, and would return answer within the appointed time.

Meanwhile Hawkins was permitted to bring his ships into harbour and to receive the victuals he required. On the fourth day he went in and received according to promise all things requisite; whereupon the shrewd captain thought to himself that to remain according to his promise for the stipulated ten days, spending victuals and men’s wages, would be a mere act of folly. He therefore requested permission to sell certain lean and sick negroes which he had in his ships, like to die upon his hands if he kept them ten days. He was forced to make this request, because he had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals and for necessaries. This request being put in writing and presented, the officers and town-dwellers assembled together; and, finding his request so reasonable, granted him licence for thirty negroes, which afterwards they caused the officers to view, to the intent they should accede to nothing but what was reasonable, for fear of afterwards being called to answer therefor.

But the Spaniards were as much on their guard as was Hawkins, and he found but little demand for his negro wares, since the authorities had decided that none but the poor should be permitted to bid for them. It was a question of bargaining, and Hawkins made pretence of being about to depart, carrying his goods elsewhere. He answered that he not only required permission to sell, but likewise his fair profit; and he thought it due to his character to show by his papers what he had paid for his negroes, and likewise what all the charges of the trade he was engaged in had cost him. As they did not wish for his departure they encouraged him to remain, by telling him that he would get a better price there than anywhere else. He therefore consented to remain, in order that he might dispose of his lean negroes. He disposed of a few next day, but could do nothing more until the arrival of the governor a fortnight later.

Hawkins addressed to the governor a petition asking to be allowed to sell his negroes, which permission was granted him. But perceiving that the Spaniards would neither consent to pay anything like the price he demanded, nor consent to relinquish the king’s custom duty of thirty ducats on each slave, he determined to take more decisive measures. Accordingly on the 16th of April he prepared one hundred men well armed, with whom he marched against the town. On this demonstration, the governor not unnaturally sent messengers to inquire what it meant, and requiring him to halt until he should have received his answer. The captain, declaring how unreasonable a thing the king’s custom was, requested to have the same abated, offering to pay seven and a half per cent. The governor replied that his demand should be granted. Hostages being given, the invaders then departed to their ships, and carried on their traffic for twelve days without disturbance, when Hawkins again made a show of departing, in order to obtain higher prices.

On the 4th of May he actually departed, and on the 6th reached the island of Curaçao, where the ships found great refreshment in beef, mutton, and lambs, which were in such plenty that they were given gratis. The cattle in this island is reported to have increased in such prodigious ratio that of a dozen of each sort originally imported there were to be found in twenty-five years a hundred thousand at least. Fifteen hundred were yearly killed, for the sake only of their skins and tongues.

On the fifteenth of the month they left Curaçao, and on the seventeenth anchored near Cape de la Vela, and next proceeded to the Rio de la Hacha, where Hawkins had again recourse to threats before being permitted to traffic. As they would not accede to his price, however, he shot off a calverin to summon the town, and preparing one hundred men in armour, went on shore, having in his great boat two falcons of brass, the other boats being likewise armed. The townsmen turned out to resist the invasion; but although they were superior in numbers, they soon gave way and sent a flag of truce. A colloquy now occurred between Hawkins and the treasurer, with the result that the former obtained all his requests, receiving hostages for their fulfilment. After some further passages of distrust, the English departed in a friendly manner, their captain receiving at the treasurer’s hands a testimonial of his good behaviour. Hawkins then proceeded to Jamaica, and thence by Cuba and Florida for England.