Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. Volume II

295

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 155; Jomini, tom. x., p. 169; Botta, tom. ii., p. 371.

296

"The Council of Five Hundred at Paris was at this time debating on a motion made by Siêyes, tending to expel all the nobles from France, on giving them the value of their property. This advice, given by Napoleon to the Republic of Genoa, appeared to be addressed, in fact, to the French Republic, which at all events profited by it; for this terrific plan was abandoned." – Montholon, tom. iv., p. 164.

297

Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 121; Montholon, tom. iv., p. 179; Jomini, tom. x., p. 364.

298

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 187.

299

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 185; Botta, tom. ii., p. 461.

300

"Instead of passing their time at the feet of women, the young Italians now frequented the riding and fencing schools, and fields of exercise. In the comedies and street farces, there had always been an Italian, represented as a very cowardly though witty fellow, and a kind of bullying captain, – sometimes a Frenchman, but more frequently a German – a very powerful, brave, and brutal character, who never failed to conclude with caning the Italian to the great satisfaction of the applauding spectators. But such allusions were now no longer endured by the populace; authors now brought brave Italians on the stage, putting foreigners to flight, and defending their honour and their rights." – Napoleon, Montholon, tom. iv., p. 185.

301

"Count Cobentzel was a native of Brussels; a very agreeable man in company, and distinguished by studied politeness; but positive and intractable in business. There was a want of propriety and precision in his mode of expressing himself, of which he was sensible; and he endeavoured to compensate for this by talking loud and using imperious gestures." – Napoleon, Montholon, tom. iv., p. 239.

302

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 251.

303

Spiegò quel crudo il seno, e'l manto scosse, Ed a guerra mortal, disse, vi sfido: E'l disse in atto si feroce ed empio Che parve aprir di Giano il chiuso tempio.

La Gerusalemme Liberata, Canto II.– S.

His lap he open'd and spread forth his cloke, To mortal wars, he saies, I you defie – And this he uttered with fell rage and hate And seem'd of Janus' church t' undoe the gate.

Fairfax.

304

See this remonstrance in Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 393.

305

The language of injustice is alike in similar instances. When Edward I., in the course of over-running Scotland, was reminded of the claims of the candidate for the throne, in whose cause he had pretended to take arms, he answered in the very words of Buonaparte, – "Have we nothing else to do but to conquer kingdoms for other people?" – S.

306

Daru, tom. vi., p. 60; Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 394.

307

"Soldiers! I set out to-morrow for Rastadt. Separated from the army, I shall sigh for the moment of my rejoining it, and braving fresh dangers. Whatever post government may assign to the soldiers of the army of Italy, they will always be the worthy supporters of liberty, and of the glory of the French name. Soldiers! when you talk of the princes you have conquered, of the nations you have set free, and the battles you have fought in two campaigns, say, 'in the next two campaigns we shall do still more!'"

308

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 258.

309

An Italian, by name Buonarotti, and of the same family with the great Michael Angelo, has recently published a full account of the conspiracy of Babœuf, – to this writer the curious reader is referred. "Les fruits sont à tous, la terre à personne," was his favourite text and that of his fellow-levellers, and the burden of their songs, which were to take place of Ca Ira, and La Carmagnole, was "Le Soleil luit pour tout le monde." On being arrested, Babœuf wrote to the Directory – "Whatever may be my fate, my name will be placed with those of Barnevet and Sidney; whether conducted to death or to banishment, I am certain of arriving at immortality!" He was condemned to the guillotine in May, 1797, but stabbed himself in his prison.

310

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 195.

311

A decree of the Directory, of the 25th January, 1797, fixed the current value of assignats at twenty sous for a hundred francs. – Montgaillard, tom. v., p. 4.

312

"When Barras went out of the Directory, he had still a large fortune, and he did not attempt to conceal it. It was not, indeed, large enough to have contributed to the derangement of the finances, but the manner in which it had been acquired, by favouring the contractors, impaired the morality of the nation." – Napoleon, Montholon, tom. iv., p. 135.

313

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 200.

314

"La Reveillere-Lepaux was short, and his exterior was as unprepossessing as can well be imagined; in his person he was a true Esop. He wrote tolerably well, but his intelligence was confined, and he had neither habits of business, nor knowledge of mankind. The Jardin des Plantes and the Theophilanthropy, a new sect of which he had the folly to become the founder, occupied all his time. He was an honest man – poor when he became a member of the Directory, and poor when he left it." – Napoleon, Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 136.

315

"The new system of weights and measures will be a source of embarrassment and difficulties for several generations; and it is probable that the first learned commission employed to verify the measure of the meridian, will find it necessary to make some corrections. Thus are nations tormented about trifles!" – Napoleon, Montholon, tom. iv., p. 203.

316

"Letourneur de la Manche was born in Normandy. It is difficult to explain how he came to be appointed to the Directory; it can only be from one of those unaccountable caprices of which large assemblies so often give an example. He was a man of narrow capacity, little learning, and of a weak mind. He was, however, a man of strict probity, and left the Directory without any fortune." – Napoleon, Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 142.

317

"Rewbel, born in Alsace, was one of the best lawyers in the town of Colmar. He possessed that kind of intelligence which denotes a man skilled in the practice of the law, – his influence was always felt in deliberations – he was easily inspired with prejudices, and had little faith in the existence of virtue. It is problematical whether he did or did not amass a fortune, during the time he was in the Directory." – Napoleon, Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 138.

318

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 210.

319

"This singular answer was in exact conformity with the ideas of the moment. The sincere Republicans would have regarded it as a degradation for a man, however distinguished he might be, to wish to turn the revolution to his personal advantage." – Mad. de Staël, tom. ii., p. 175.

320

Moniteur, No. 224, May 3, 1797. – S.

321

Le Rédacteur, May 1, 1797.

322

"All the journals were full of harangues against the General of the Army of Italy: They depreciated his successes, vilified his character, calumniated his administration, threw out suspicions respecting his fidelity to the Republic, and accused him of ambitious designs." – Napoleon, Montholon, tom. iv., p. 212.

323

See especially his Letter to the Directory, 17th July. —Correspondence Inédite, tom. iv., p. 14.

324

Montholon, tom. iv., pp. 148, 211.

325

This gentleman was one of the second emigration, who left France during Robespierre's ascendency. He was employed as a political agent by the Court of Russia, after the affair of Venice, which proves that he was not at least convicted of treachery to the Bourbon princes. In July, 1812, he was assassinated at his villa at Hackney, near London, by an Italian domestic, who, having murdered both the Count and Countess, shot himself through the head, leaving no clew to discover the motive of his villany. It was remarked that the villain used Count d'Entraigues' own pistols and dagger, which, apprehensive of danger as a political intriguer, he had always ready prepared in his apartment. – S.

326

Moniteur, No. 305, July 23.

327

"The Directory requested General Buonaparte to send one of his generals of brigade to Paris, to await their orders. He chose General Augereau, a man very decided in action, and not very capable of reasoning – two qualities which rendered him an excellent instrument of despotism, provided the despotism assumed the name of revolution." – Mad. de Staël, tom. ii., p. 180.

328

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 216.

329

"I spent the night of the 17th in beholding the preparations for the awful scene which was to take place in a few hours. None but soldiers appeared in the streets. The cannon, brought to surround the palace where the Legislative Body assembled, were rolling along the pavements; but, except their noise, all was silence. No hostile assemblage was seen any where; nor was it known against whom all this apparatus was directed. Liberty was the only power vanquished in that fatal struggle. It might have been said, that she was seen to fly, like a wandering spirit, at the approach of the day which was to shine upon her destruction." – Mad. de Staël, tom. ii., p. 182.

330

"Astonishment was excited by the little respect which the soldiers showed for a general who had so often led them to victory; but he had been successfully represented as a counter-revolutionist – a name which when the public opinion is free, exercises in France a kind of magical power. Besides, Pichegru had no means of producing an effect on the imagination: He was a man of good manners, but without striking expression, either in his features or his words. It has often been said, that he was guided in war by the councils of another. This is, at least, credible; for his look and conversation were so dull, that they suggested no idea of his being fit for becoming the leader of any enterprise." – Mad. de Staël, tom. ii., p. 184.

331

In Carnot's Memoirs, the merit of discovering Buonaparte's talents and taking care of his promotion, is attributed to Carnot, rather than to Barras. However this may be, it is certain that Napoleon acknowledged great obligation to Carnot, and protested to him perpetual gratitude. – See Moniteur, No. 140, Feb. 1, 1797. – S.

332

Las Cases, tom. ii., p. 155.

333

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 267.

334

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 103.

335

Moniteur, Nov. 8; Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 423.

336

"Un grenadier Français avait fait une action très brillante; son général lui offre trois louis. Plus noble, plus généreux, le grenadier refuse, et lui dit: 'Mon général, on ne fait pas ces choses-là pour de l'argent.' Irez-vous offrir de l'or à un homme courbé sous le poids des lauriers? Non non, l'ame de Buonaparte est trop grande," &c. – Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 423.

337

Annual Register, vol. xl., p. 6.

338

Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 413; Montholon, tom. iv., p. 266.

339

Mad. de Staël, Consid. sur la Rév. Franç., tom. ii., p. 199.

340

Considerations, tom. ii., p. 197.

341

Las Cases, tom. iii., p. 191.

342

Las Cases, tom. iii., p. 192; Montholon, tom. iv., p. 274; Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 429.

343

"The leaders of all parties called upon him; but he refused to listen to them. The streets and squares through which he was expected to pass were constantly crowded, but Napoleon never showed himself. He had no habitual visitors, except a few men of science, such as Monge, Berthollet, Borda, Laplace, Prony, and Lagrange; several generals, as Berthier, Desaix, Lefebvre, Caffarelli, and Kleber; and a very few deputies." – Montholon, tom. iv., p. 269.

344

"Buonaparte arrived, dressed very simply, followed by his aides-de-camp, all taller than himself, but nearly bent by the respect which they displayed to him. M. de Talleyrand, in presenting Buonaparte to the Directory, called him 'the Liberator of Italy, and the Pacificator of the Continent.' He assured them, that 'General Buonaparte detested luxury and splendour, the miserable ambition of vulgar souls, and that he loved the poems of Ossian particularly because they detach us from the earth.'" – Mad. de Staël, tom. ii., p. 203; Montgaillard, tom. v., p. 83.

345

Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 416.

346

For the class of arts and sciences. Upon the occasion, Buonaparte addressed this note to Camus, the president of the class. "The suffrage of the distinguished men who compose the Institute honours me. I feel sensibly, that before I can become their equal, I must long be their pupil. If there were a manner more expressive of conveying to them my sentiments of respect, that I would employ. The only true conquests, those which awaken no regret, are those we obtain over ignorance. The most honourable, as the most useful pursuit of nations, is that which contributes to the extension of human intellect. The real greatness of the French republic ought henceforth to consist in not permitting the existence of one new idea which has not been added to the national stock."

347

Thibaudeau, tom. iii., p. 432; Mad. de Staël, tom. ii., p. 204; Montgaillard, tom. v., p. 82.

348

Buonaparte left Paris on the 8th of February, and returned thither on the 22d. He was accompanied by General Lannes, his aide-de-camp Salkowski, and Bourrienne, his private secretary. "He visited," says the latter, "Etaples, Ambleteuse, Boulogne, Calais, Dunkirk, Furnes, Newport, Ostend, and Walcheren; making at these different ports the necessary surveys, with that patience, presence of mind, knowledge, expertness, and perspicuity, which he possessed in so eminent a degree. He examined till midnight, sailors, pilots, smugglers, fishermen, – making objections, and listening with attention to their replies."

349

For some curious particulars respecting the Descent of the French in South Wales, see Appendix, No. V.

350

Correspondence Inédite, tom. iv., p. 176. So early as the 10th of August, Buonaparte had written to the Directory, – "Les temps ne sont pas éloignés où nous sentirons que, pour détruire véritablement Angleterre, il faut nous emparer de l'Egypte." – Ibid., tom. iv., p. 77. – See also Jomini, tom. x., p. 512.

351

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 281.

352

Considerations sur la Rév. Franç., tom. ii., p. 173.

353

Montholon, tom. iv., p. 284.

354

"Napoleon did not think himself popular enough to go alone: he had ideas on the art of governing different from those of the men of the Revolution. He therefore determined to sail for Egypt, resolved, nevertheless, to appear again as soon as circumstances should render his presence necessary, as he already saw they would do. To render him master of France, it was necessary that the Directory should experience disasters in his absence, and that his return should recall victory to the colours of the nation." – Napoleon, Montholon, tom. iv., p. 284.

355

For a "List of the one hundred and two members of the Commission of the Arts and Sciences attached to the army of the East," see Thibaudeau, tom. iv., p. 424.

356

"The following list of books, for a camp library, I copy from a paper in his own hand. The volumes were in 18mo, and will show what he preferred in science and literature." – Bourrienne, tom. ii., p. 49. See the List in Appendix, No. VI.

357

"Napoleon offered to leave Desaix and Kleber, whose talents might, he thought, prove serviceable to France. The Directory knew not their value, and refused them. 'The Republic,' said they, 'is not reduced to these two generals.'" – Montholon, tom. iv., p. 282.

358

"I have beheld, with deep interest, the fleet at Corfu. If ever it sails upon those great enterprises of which you have spoken, in pity do not forget me." – Desaix to Buonaparte.

359

"Menou, anxious to justify his conduct at Paris on the 13th Vendêmiaire, entreated to be allowed to join the army of the East." – Thibaudeau, tom. iv., p. 42.

360

Las Cases, tom. i.

361

Las Cases, tom. v., p. 58.

362

"All that Sir Walter Scott says about the expedition to India is not only exaggerated, but wide of the truth. It is not by the mere march of an army across Egypt and Arabia that British India is likely to be conquered, but by establishing and consolidating a French force in Egypt, by opening the ancient communications by Suez, by multiplying the relations between Egypt and India; and, in fine, by so augmenting the French navy in the Mediterranean, that this sea shall become almost inaccessible to the English squadrons." – Louis Buonaparte, p. 31.

363

Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire des Expéditions en Egypte et en Syrie. – Introduction, p. 20.

364

"It is an error to state, that the affair at Vienna inspired the idea of abandoning the expedition. The contrary is proved by Buonaparte's letters to Barraguay d'Hilliers, Desaix, and Admiral Brueyes; to whom, on the 20th of April, he wrote: 'Some disturbances, which have just happened at Vienna, require my presence for a few days at Paris. This will in no way affect the expedition. I send an order, by the present courier, for the troops at Marseilles to embark and repair to Toulon. On the evening of the 30th I will send you instructions to get on board, and depart with the squadron for Genoa, where I will join you." —Correspondence Inédite, tom. v., p. 3; Thibaudeau, tom. iv., p. 43.

365

"Je promets à chaque soldat qu'au retour de cette expédition, il aura à sa disposition de quoi acheter six arpens de terre." —Moniteur, No. 242, May 21.

366

"Napoleon said to one of the companions of his exile at St. Helena, 'Malta certainly possessed immense physical, but no moral means of resistance. The knights did nothing disgraceful. They could not hold out against impossibility. No: but they yielded themselves. The successful capture of Malta was assured, before the fleet quitted Toulon.'" – Bourrienne, tom. ii., p. 65.

"The capture of Malta had been secured before Buonaparte left Toulon, by the intrigues and largesses of Poussielque. These have been laid open by the Bailli Teignie, and others, and made the subject of a formal accusation against the Grand-master Hompesch, by the knights who had taken refuge in Germany, Russia," &c. —Intercepted Correspondence, part i., preface, p. vi.

"The sum awarded to the grand-master for his baseness was 600,000 francs. On quitting the island which he had not had the courage to defend, he further disgraced himself by kissing the hand of the conqueror who had despoiled him of his dominions." – Thibaudeau, tom. iv., p. 96.

367

"One of Napoleon's first acts at Malta was to set at liberty the Turkish prisoners, and clear the disgusting galleys. This was a deed of reason and humanity. His time was devoted to providing with equal activity and talent for the administration and defence of the island. His only relaxation was an occasional walk in the beautiful gardens of the grand-master." – Bourrienne, tom. ii., p. 65.

368

"During the whole voyage, Buonaparte passed the greater part of his time below, in his cabin, reclining upon a couch, which, by a ball-and-socket joint at each foot, rendered the ship's pitching less perceptible, and consequently relieved the sickness from which he was scarcely ever free. His remarkable saying to the pupils of a school which he had one day visited, 'Young people, every hour of time lost is a chance of misfortune for future life,' may be considered, in some measure, as forming the rule of his own conduct. Perhaps no man ever better understood the value of time. If the activity of his mind found not wherewithal to exercise itself in reality, he supplied the defect by giving free scope to imagination, or in listening to the conversation of the learned men attached to the expedition. He delighted in discoursing with Monge and Berthollet, when the discussion mostly ran upon chemistry, mathematics, and religion, as also with Caffarelli, whose conversation, rich in facts, was, at the same time, lively, intellectual, and cheerful. At other times, he conversed with the admiral, when the subject always related to naval manœuvres, of which he showed great desire to obtain knowledge; and nothing more astonished Brueyes, than the sagacity of his questions." – Bourrienne, tom. ii., p. 69.

369

Miot, p. 16.

370

"On the 30th of June, Buonaparte had the following proclamation printed on board the L'Orient, and issued it to the army: – 'Soldiers! You are going to undertake a conquest, the effects of which, upon commerce and civilisation, will be incalculable. You will give the English a most sensible blow, which will be followed up by their destruction. We shall have some fatiguing marches – we shall fight several battles – we shall succeed in all our enterprises. The destinies are in our favour. The Mamelouc Beys, who favour the English commerce exclusively, who have injured our merchants, and who tyrannize over the unhappy inhabitants of the banks of the Nile, will no longer exist in a few days after our arrival.

"'The people, among whom you are going to live, are Mahometans. The first article of their faith is "There is no other God but God, and Mahomet is his prophet." Do not contradict them. Act with them as you did with the Jews and with the Italians. Treat their muftis and their imans with respect, as you did the rabbis and the bishops. You must act with the same spirit of toleration towards the ceremonies prescribed by the Koran, that you did to the synagogues and the convents, to the religions of Moses and of Jesus Christ. The Roman legions protected all religions. You will find here customs which differ from those of Europe: you must accustom yourselves to them.

"'The people among whom we are going, treat women differently from us; but in every country, he who violates them is a monster. Pillage enriches but a very few men: it dishonours us, it destroys our resources, and it renders those our enemies whom it is our interest to have for friends. The first city we shall arrive at was built by Alexander, and every step we take we shall meet with objects capable of exciting emulation.'"

371

"Repulsed on every side, the Turks betake themselves to God and their Prophet, and fill their mosques: Men, women, old, young, children at the breast, all are massacred. At the end of four hours the fury of our troops ceases." – Adjutant-General Boyer to his Parents. —Intercepted Letters, part i., p. 150.

372

Jomini, tom. x., p. 402; Larrey, p. 7.

373

"Alexandria was not given up to pillage, as repeatedly asserted. This would have been a very absurd commencement of the conquest of Egypt, in which there were no fortified places to intimidate by such an example." – Bourrienne, tom. ii., p. 89.