The Ocean Railway: Isambard Kingdom Brunel, Samuel Cunard and the Revolutionary World of the Great Atlantic Steamships

‘I am sorry that some of the British tradesmen should indulge in speaking ill of their competitors in Scotland,’ replied Napier, not surprised. ‘I shall not say more than court comparison of my work with any other in the kingdom.’ The two men, so new to each other, were still forming crucial first impressions by poking around and testing the other, gradually settling into what became the most important working relationship of their lives. Cunard sent along reports of the latest patented steam innovations; Napier, playing his expected engineering role, passed sceptical judgments and reassured the entrepreneur. ‘I was quite prepared for your being beset with all the schemers of every description in the country,’ he advised Cunard. ‘Every solid and known improvement that I am made acquainted with shall be adopted by me, but no patent plans.’

For his part, Cunard was having serious money problems. He still had no signed contract with the government. The first Napier deal was just with Cunard: he alone had to come up with a binder of £5000 and the first instalment of £5000 more. At the same time, precisely the wrong time, his falling out with George Renny Young forced him to find about £14,000 to complete his purchase of the Young family’s interest in the Prince Edward Island land company. Juggling the two enterprises, Cunard was caught without enough cash in England. When Napier took his first note from Cunard to the bank, it was accepted only after a suspicious delay and objections. Napier was surprised and dismayed. ‘The truth is,’ Napier warned Cunard, ‘had I not been completely satisfied beforehand from other trustworthy sources of your undoubted respectability and highly honourable character, my confidence in you would have been shaken.’

If this early crisis had turned a certain way, it could have killed the whole enterprise at the outset. Instead it turned another way and gave the scheme a wider, more secure base, transformed it, and set up the leadership structure that would run the Cunard Line for decades. Napier, now less sure of his new partner, felt obliged to protect his own local reputation for sound dealings. Stepping back, he went around Cunard and confided in Robert Rodger, the Glasgow banker who had doubted Cunard’s credit. ‘I have no wish to put you to the least trouble or inconvenience on my account,’ he assured Rodger. ‘The transaction with Mr Cunard is of such a magnitude that I must not have the least risk of trouble or anxiety about the money part of it.’ The two Glaswegians, acting in their respective self-interests, came up with a protective local solution. They invited other investors into the scheme to provide the cash cushion that was manifestly beyond Cunard’s overstretched resources.

As part of this manoeuvre, they also brought in local experts at running a steamship line, George Burns and the brothers David and Charles Mac Iver. Former rivals, for almost a decade these three men had together been operating profitable coastal steam packets between Glasgow and Liverpool. If Burns and the Mac Ivers were involved, Napier urged Cunard, ‘the vessels would be well and honestly managed, and save much trouble to all concerned and make money.’ Furthermore, though contrary to his usual practice, given their participation Napier might himself take ‘a small interest’ in the venture: a rippling expression of confidence sure to lure other investors in Glasgow. ‘I have several offers but am bound to no one,’ Cunard replied to Napier. ‘I should much like to have you and your friends with me.’ Within a few days, Napier and Burns found their partners (mainly interested businessmen in Glasgow), thus delivering the venture from the uncertainties of Cunard’s own money and – most significantly – binding its future to the Clyde. ‘I want to shew the Americans what can be done in Glasgow,’ Cunard reminded Napier, turning several screws, ‘and that neither Bristol or London boats can beat them.’

From that point, the pieces all fell into place quickly. In June 1839 Cunard, Burns and David Mac Iver signed the final revised contract with the Admiralty for the mail service. It called for four steamships of 400 horsepower, 206 feet long, and 1120 tons, sailing twice each month between Liverpool and Halifax, and then Halifax and Boston, for the government’s payment of £60,000 a year for seven years. (The designation of Liverpool, headquarters of the Mac Ivers’ coastal packets, reflected the transatlantic enterprise’s new ownership structure.) The first ships were to be ready for sea by May 1840. Napier would build the engines, and to meet the soon-looming deadline the ships’ construction was parcelled out to four different Clyde shipbuilders. (‘I dare say I get a good deal of credit for it, but I am not entitled to it,’ Cunard later said of his first steamships. ‘Any credit that there may be in fixing upon the vessels of proper size and proper power is entirely due to Mr. Napier, for I have not the science myself; he gave me the dimensions.’)

In the final partnership agreement, Cunard took the largest portion at £55,000. James Donaldson, the leading cotton broker in Glasgow, took the next biggest piece at £16,000, followed by eight others at £11,600. Napier threw in £6100, Burns £5500, and the Mac Ivers £4000 each. In all, thirty-three investors from Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester provided a total working capital of £270,000. Napier had brokered the whole deal and henceforth was deeply involved, in effect working for himself as both the engine builder and a part owner. Cunard remained the central figure, the founder and ultimate boss. ‘I had the whole interest for some time in the original contract,’ he later explained. ‘But circumstances turned up which made it necessary that I should part with some portion, and I did; but I have still the management.’ The official name was the British and North American Royal Mail Steam Packet Company. From the start, it was known more simply as Cunard’s line or the Cunard Line.

The first four ships of the line were, as Cunard had directed, plain and comfortable, with no unnecessary expense for show. The keels were laid almost simultaneously within a small circle of shipbuilders along the Clyde. John Wood crafted and built the Acadia, the pattern for the others. His brother Charles Wood built the Caledonia; Robert Steele, the Columbia; and Robert Duncan, the Britannia. (The names of the ships made careful, portioned reference to Nova Scotia, Scotland, the United States and Great Britain, the four places that had launched and would then sustain the Cunard Line.) The ships had essentially identical dimensions, varying only in slight particulars: 207 feet long, 34 feet wide, and about 1150 tons. John Wood was well known for the grace and comely proportions of his wooden hulls. ‘Remarkable for the great refinement of his taste,’ the naval architect John Scott Russell, a noted contemporary, later said of Wood. ‘He was a consummate artist in shipbuilding, and every line was as studied and beautiful as fine art could make it.’ The Cunard ships were austere beauties, sleek and black, with just a few ornamental touches of gold and red in the paddle boxes and smokestack.

As expressions of steamship technology, they started a durable Cunard tradition of summarizing recent progress in the field and adding only small, careful improvements: advancing the art but not by any risky grand leaps. They embodied the habitual technological caution – ships as enterprise, not as engineering – of their two main creators. Sam Cunard had crossed on both the Great Western and British Queen, and Robert Napier knew the latter ship well from providing her engine. Traces of these transatlantic predecessors showed up in the Cunard vessels. They were lavishly trussed and bolted, like the Great Western, with (for example) ‘two strong bilge-pieces in the engine room’, as Napier’s contract with Cunard made explicit, ‘similar to what is in the “British Queen” steam ship and well bolted.’ To avoid the Great Western’s initial difficulties over retrieving coal from distant holds at the bow and stern, the Cunard ships carried their fuel in midship compartments lining the sides of the vessels, from which the coal simply descended by gravity to trapdoors near the furnaces. Ambient heat from the Great Western’s boilers had made nearby areas feel and smell uncomfortably cooked; so the Cunard ships included a thick, coarse woollen cloth underneath the cabin floors and on bulkheads around the engine rooms ‘secured by beams and knees’, the contract specified, ‘so arranged that a space can be left for air courses to ventilate and carry off the heated air and gases.’ The cycloidal Great Western paddle wheels devised by Joshua Field had not worked well; Napier gave the Cunard ships conventional paddles.

Designed to carry mail, not cargo, they were smaller than the Great Western and British Queen— but a bit faster, with slightly higher ratios of horsepower to tonnage. Napier’s newest engines squeezed more power from less fuel by almost doubling the Great Western’s boiler steam pressure, from five to nine pounds per square inch, which helped reduce average coal consumption from forty-four to thirty-eight tons a day. Within a year of the Britannia’s maiden voyage to Boston in July 1840, the Cunard ships had beaten the Great Western’s Atlantic records in both directions, achieving peak average speeds of almost ten knots out and eleven knots home, and cutting the best eastbound passage to just under ten days. Over the first two years, as a fleet they averaged thirteen days, six hours to Halifax and eleven days, five hours to Liverpool. The overmatched Great Western company, competing on its own with just one steamship against four newer, faster vessels backed by the authority and prestige of the government’s mail contract, began to lose passengers and profits to the Cunard Line.

Charles Dickens, impressed by what he had heard, took the Britannia to Boston in January 1842. His description of the voyage, soon published in his travel book American Notes, became the most famous – indeed notorious – account of a nineteenth-century transatlantic steamship trip. Dickens, about to turn thirty, had already achieved great success with the Pickwick Papers, Oliver Twist, and other novels. He went to tour America as a literary celebrity and was expecting an ocean passage that conformed with his status. At the Cunard agent’s office in London he had seen imaginatively embellished lithographs of the Britannia’s interiors. When he boarded ship, the actual accommodations caused his first disappointment. The main saloon, the grandest room on the ship, turned out to be ‘a long narrow apartment, not unlike a gigantic hearse with windows in the sides; having at the upper end a melancholy stove, at which three or four chilly stewards were warming their hands’. The overhead racks for glassware ‘hinted dismally at rolling seas and heavy weather’. Grimmer surprises awaited Dickens below. The ‘state-room’ specially reserved for Dickens and his wife was, alas, an ‘utterly impracticable, thoroughly hopeless, and profoundly preposterous box’. It inspired another funereal reference: the bunk beds by their narrow dimensions and thin mattresses reminded Dickens of coffins, a most unfortunate association at the start of a long ocean voyage.

Once under way, he retreated during daylight hours to the ladies’ cabin, less noisy and smelly than the main saloon. The stewardess dispensed many tactful services and told ‘piously fraudulent’ stories of previous winter passages, always calm and pleasant. Everybody worried about the stability of their stomachs; at dinner, Dickens noticed the most coveted seats were those closest to the door. Afterwards he stayed out on deck till midnight, afraid to go below. Despite his frettings, he looked around and sensed the powerful mysteries of an oceangoing ship at night: ‘The gloom through which the great black mass holds its direct and certain course; the rushing water, plainly heard, but dimly seen; the broad, white, glistening track that follows in the vessel’s wake; the men on the look-out forward, who would be scarcely visible against the dark sky, but for their blotting out some score of glistening stars…the melancholy sighing of the wind through block, and rope, and chain.’

Finally, too cold to avoid it any longer, Dickens took to his dubious berth. With hatches and portholes closed down for the night, he could fully savour ‘that extraordinary compound of strange smells, which is to be found nowhere but on board ship, and which is such a subtle perfume that it seems to enter at every pore of the skin, and whisper of the hold’. All the woodwork creaked. The stateroom rose and fell with the waves. The night eventually passed. For the next two days, through fair winds and good weather, Dickens mostly stayed in bed, ate hard biscuits, and drank cold brandy and water in a resolute, hopeless effort to avoid sliding over from mere seagoing discomfort into full-blown seasickness.

Teetering on this agonizing edge – nauseous or not? – Dickens fell over hard when the third morning brought a winter gale worthy of the North Atlantic. He awoke to his wife’s screams. Objects were floating on the seawater that now covered the stateroom floor. The room pitched and tossed, seemingly standing on its head. ‘Before it is possible to make any arrangement at all compatible with this novel state of things, the ship rights. Before one can say “Thank Heaven!” she wrongs again.’ The ship ran on like a creature with broken knees, as it leaped and dived and somersaulted in jarring sequences and combinations. Dickens hailed a passing steward and asked what was the matter. ‘Rather a heavy sea on, sir,’ came the reply, understated and unperturbed, ‘and a head wind.’ It continued for four days and nights of relentless motion and noise: wind, sea and rain, howling in concert; the heavy footfalls of sailors rushing about and shouting hoarsely to each other; high waves pounding over the gunwales and gurgling out through the scuppers, after landing on the wooden deck with the deep, ponderous sound of thunder heard within a confined space; blank, endless nights as the ship rolled to one side, dipping her masts, and then to the other side, and even seemed to stop dead in the water, staggering as though stunned, before ploughing onward. ‘All is grand, and all appalling and horrible in the last degree… Only a dream can call it up again in all its fury, rage, and passion.’

The storm blew out, but the weather remained dark and cold. Settling into a determined daily routine, Dickens and his party would gather in the ladies’ cabin shortly before noon. Captain Hewitt, recently transferred to the Britannia and always in good humour, would drop by and predict better weather. (‘The weather is always going to improve tomorrow, at sea.’) At one o’clock a bell rang and the stewardess brought baked potatoes, roasted apples, and plates of cold ham, pig’s face, and salted beef. At last free of seasickness, and seeking any possible diversion, they ate with hearty appetites and dawdled over the task as long as they could. They read, dozed, and chatted away the afternoon, passing around and chewing over the few available wisps of shipboard gossip: one passenger has lost heavily at gambling, fourteen pounds in fact, and drinks a bottle of champagne a day though he is only a clerk; the head engineer has never seen such awful weather; the cook was found drunk and severely punished; all the stewards have fallen downstairs, and some are sorely injured; the cabins are all leaking. The dinner bell rang at five, announcing more potatoes (boiled this time), various meats (perhaps roast pig if one of the ship’s swine had been butchered), flowing wine and brandy, and rather mouldy apples, grapes and oranges for dessert. Then a game of whist, with the tricks placed securely in pockets instead of on the ever-agitated table, and an insistently cheerful good night from the captain.

Approaching Halifax on the fifteenth night, with a bright moon and calm sea, the local pilot – who was supposed to know the harbour so well – managed to run the Britannia aground on a mud bank. Everybody rushed up on deck. The engine, ‘which had been clanking and blasting in our ears incessantly for so many days,’ stopped suddenly, unexpectedly, leaving a dead stillness. Some of the sailors took off their shoes and jackets and made ready to jump overboard and swim ashore. (This did not inspire confidence among the passengers.) Distress rockets were fired into the night sky, to no point. In the general confusion and near-panic, Captain Hewitt remained calm and in command. The next high tide floated them free. After briefly stopping in Halifax, the Britannia took Dickens on to Boston. Wary of enduring another steamship voyage, when his American tour was over he caught a New York sailing packet home to England.

It was a gripping story, slightly exaggerated to improve the telling. The fame of its author and the popularity of American Notes ensured the Dickens account a wide, enduring audience – and a cautionary influence on uncounted potential Atlantic travellers. As a piece of historical evidence, though, it remains tendentious and limited, not trustworthy as a generalization about Cunard ships. Dickens described a westward passage in January: the more difficult direction for crossing the Atlantic, at the coldest, wildest time of year. The Britannia then steamed through an especially ferocious winter storm, the roughest on the North Atlantic in a long time. Its attendant miseries properly belonged to the indifferent ocean and could not be blamed on the particular ship and crew. The Britannia ran aground near Halifax because of mistakes by the local pilot, not the Cunard Line. Many of the problems on the voyage were not the steamship line’s fault. And, in general, Dickens had nothing to compare the voyage to because he had never been at sea before. As a transatlantic innocent, he had too readily believed – or so he implied – those alluring promotional lithographs at the Cunard agent’s office. His unrealistic expectations collided hard with the actual experience; he felt betrayed and vengeful, perhaps even embarrassed by his initial naïveté, and then took his overstated public revenge in print. (The book sold well but drew generally displeased, unconvinced reviews. ‘Sneers, vituperations, caustic sarcasms…a spirit of entire bad taste,’ said the Illustrated London News. This reviewer doubted in particular Dickens’s account of his trials on the Britannia: ‘Of course this is the mere nonsense of book-making exaggeration, written to kill time and tickle the reader.’)

A more balanced report on the first Cunard steamships required testimony from someone who had already crossed the North Atlantic by sailing ship and so could compare the passages. Fanny Appleton of Boston took the Columbia to Liverpool in May 1841, five and a half years after her tedious voyage to Le Havre by sailing packet (see pages 8-9). ‘Tho’ I miss of course the beautiful shiftings and exhilaration of a sailing vessel,’ she noted soon after the Columbia left Boston, ‘yet we bound over the waves with no little dignity and grace.’ Constant shipboard noises on the packet had kept her from reading and writing; her first surprise on the Cunard ship was the prevailing near-silences compared to what she had found on various sailing ships and American steamboats. ‘One thing excites my unbounded admiration – the marvellous quiet. There is none of the constant bawling of orders (the Capt’s are given sotto voce to a certain little “Mr. Finley” who, like a familiar, is ever at his elbow) nor racket of ropes, nor rushing about of sailors, nor even some creaking of masts as in a packet; neither the monotonous plunge of the engine as in our steamers. There is a slight trembling of course but not a sound from the machinery… The only sounds are the bells every hour, the bugle to summon us to meals, the slight sighing of the valves.’ Napier’s machinery was barely audible – and invisible as well, unlike the engines on American steamers, concealed below decks and propelling the ship into an ‘easy majestic motion’.

Eight days later, five days from Liverpool, Appleton was still surprised and pleased. ‘This steaming is all play-sailing compared to packet experience,’ she decided, ‘and the big Atlantic itself seems vastly shrunken and dwarfed to me now that we are rushing across it so comfortably, so independant of its head winds, so little wrenched from our equilibrium by its uneasy tossings and tumblings. I little thought I could prefer a steamer but so it is. We have no excuse for grumbling at anything.’ The passengers behaved well, not too numerous or drunk or talkative. Captain Charles H. E. Judkins, meticulously attentive to every detail, took a southerly course to avoid icebergs. (They still passed a group of ten icebergs about a mile away; the largest – eighty feet high and a quartermile long, greenish in the crevices and snowy at the top – resembled a ghostly steamship at that distance.) The Columbia’s food was bountiful and varied; the shipboard games, dances and concerts were all diverting. ‘Instead of finding a steam-ship a floating Pandemonium as I expected, it certainly puts packets to shame for comfort and luxury and slides me over the Atlantic’ Appleton was not even bored; ‘I feel almost sorry to quit the ship we are having such amusing times.’ They reached Liverpool in just half the duration of her packet voyage to Le Havre in 1835.

Appleton’s account carried its own bias. Instead of westbound in January, like Dickens, she was eastbound in May, through gentle weather. Her father and uncle, Nathan and William Appleton, were business associates of Sam Cunard’s in Boston, and when she went ashore in Halifax she was lavishly entertained by the Cunard family. Still, her description seems more believable than Dickens’s because their motives for writing were so different. He, a famous fiction writer, wanted to spin a good yarn for publication and to sell books, with the more dramatically harrowing details the better. She wrote her version in private, unpublished letters to her father and to her best friend, with no evident purpose except to report honestly on what she had found. (In general, the more confidential the historical source, the more truthful.) Both had brought unmet expectations to the voyage; he was then disappointed and terrified, she unexpectedly pleased. Revising themselves in opposite directions, they gave their accounts quite different tones. Where they disagreed on specific matters of fact – such as the engine’s constant noise level – Appleton had no reason to exaggerate, and Dickens did. So Fanny Appleton probably got it right.

The steamship President was the last chance for Junius Smith and Macgregor Laird. Designed by Laird with an almost desperate

audacity, built by Curling and Young in London, and engined by Fawcett and Preston in Liverpool, she marked new transatlantic extremes in size, power and luxury. At 2360 tons she was a third larger than the British Queen and twice the size of the Cunard ships. The first liner with three decks, she afforded passengers an open-air promenade on the spar deck in fine weather and a sheltered turn on the main deck below. An elaborate carved figurehead of George Washington thrust forward from the bow; the projecting stern included other carvings and large plate-glass windows. The engine room, with its ornamented pillars and arches and polished iron and brasswork, reminded visitors of a handsome Gothic chapel: a modernist shrine to steam power. The hull was divided into watertight compartments, like earlier ships designed by Laird, ‘so that the springing of a leak would be attended with comparatively little danger,’ it was explained, ‘and would be readily overcome.’

The opulent interior furnishings hardly hinted at the Smith line’s ongoing financial straits. The main saloon, some eighty feet long and thirty-four feet wide, was finished in a Tudor Gothic style of delicate colours and grained oak. Its four tables and embossed crimson velvet sofas could accommodate up to one hundred diners at once. A wide corridor with even plusher decorations ran from the saloon to staterooms at the stern. Ten oil paintings, executed on canvas to imitate old tapestries, depicted scenes from the life of Christopher Columbus. The corridor was said to resemble a picture gallery, or the upper storey of a first-class hotel. In flashing these historic references and touches of landed luxury, the President’s living quarters were intended to mask a passenger’s sense of crossing the ocean on the latest, yet-unproven steamship.